Unagreement and how morphology sees syntax

Abstract

The phenomenon of unagreement, found in Spanish, Catalan, and Greek, among other languages, poses four theoretical problems: 1) how to account for an apparent mismatch between trigger and target in an agreement relation; 2) how to account for the fact that not all languages have this phenomenon; 3) how to account for variation in the NPs that trigger unagreement within a given language and across languages; 4) how to account for the correlation between the presence or absence of unagreement and the type of adnominal pronoun construction (APC) allowed in the language. The analysis assumes a lexicalist unencapsulated view of the relationship between syntax and inflectional morphology, which implies that agreement is a strictly morphological phenomenon. The fundamental idea is that some determiners in some languages do not specify person information. This implies that a DP headed by such a determiner is compatible with any person feature.