Proceedings of the Lexical Functional Grammar Conference
The LFG proceedings publish the papers presented at the annual LFG conference. Abstracts are peer-reviewed (double-blind) before being accepted to the conference. For the proceedings the full papers undergo another round of reviewing. Presentation at the conference does not automatically qualify papers for the proceedings, they must be accepted to the proceedings after the review of the full papers. LFG conferences are intended to foster research and academic exchange on any work within the formal architecture of Lexical Functional Grammar as well as typological, formal, computational and psycholinguistic work within the 'spirit of LFG' as a lexicalist approach to language employing a parallel, constraint-based framework. Here is a link to the LFG proceedings from 1996 to 2021 published by CSLI Publications.
This paper discusses dative subject experiencer constructions in Urdu/Hindi. These have recently been taken to provide evidence for Dependent Case Theory, which sees the locus of explanation for case marking patterns in the phrase structural configuration two NPs are placed in. This paper reexamines the arguments and adduces more data, concluding that an analysis involving event-based linking within LFG provides a more insightful approach to the data.
Copyright (c) 2025 Proceedings of the Lexical Functional Grammar Conference https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0
Polish and English specificational copular clauses
The aim of this paper is to provide an LFG+Glue analysis of specificational copular clauses in Polish and English (e.g., The winner is John). In the proposed account, the English construction is related to its predicational counterpart (John is the winner) at the level of s-structure: it represents an alternative mapping of s-structural arguments to grammatical functions, contributing a presupposition about the current Question Under Discussion. In Polish, the same effect arises through simple inversion at the level of c-structure, possible due to flexible word order. The second part of the paper examines the so-called pronominal copula in Polish, aiming to formalise its nuanced syntax and semantics.
The prosody of Hungarian complex noun phrases in focus
This paper analyses Hungarian complex noun phrases with varying focus patterns. The results of a production study on different focus conditions show that the assumption of a main focus accent on the first syllable of the comment with following deaccentuation might be too simplistic to capture the prosodic patterns of focus in Hungarian complex NPs. The paper provides a new analysis of the different accents, their shapes, and their possible combinations at the prosody-syntax interface in LFG.
We propose an LFG treatment of the verb focus construction (which consists of a participle and a light verb) in Ossetic and model the complementary distribution of this construction and focalized complex predicates. We build on the analysis of the Ossetic clause presented by Belyaev (2022) enriching the rule for the focus position in the verbal complex and supplying i-structure annotations. We also sketch an LrFG analysis to account for the placement of preverbs in complex predicates.
Animacy is reflected in multiple grammatical phenomena in Tamil. Several of these phenomena (e.g., accusative case marking and verbal agreement) reflect a distinction between humans and others, while locative case marking reflects a distinction between animates and inanimates. This paper describes the relevant phenomena, and proposes an analysis in terms of syntactic features in Lexical-Functional Grammar. The paper also raises questions about differences among animacy systems and suggests that some differences regarding cut-off points in the animacy hierarchy are due to the multifaceted nature of animacy.
In this paper, we present an extension to XLE+Glue that puts the mapping from form to meaning under scrutiny by incorporating a reasoning component based on the Vampire theorem prover. We illustrate various aspects of this system by means of an analysis of gradable adjectives, particularly their positive and comparative uses. Crucially, we show how our system deals with compositional and non-compositional semantic information. As part of this effort, we also present a newly developed XLE+Glue grammar that combines co-descriptive semantics with an additional layer of description-by-analysis. We propose that this approach allows us to better handle certain kinds of context sensitivity and align compositional and non-compositional aspects of meaning. Furthermore, we show that such a layered approach can be extended to the reasoning process.
In this paper I present an implementation in LFG of kāraka theory, the model of argument structure developed by the ancient Indian linguist Pāṇinian in his grammar of Sanskrit, the Aṣṭādhyāyī. This implementation contributes to the goal of modelling and analysing Pāṇinian grammar in modern theoretical terms; from the perspective of LFG, it contributes an exploration of the capacity of LFG as a model of grammar, and more specifically speaks to the question of grammatical functions as primitives of the theory.
Pronominal indexing and the changing face of Austronesian voice
Sipora Mentawai (SM) shows a restructured Malayo-Polynesian Western Region voice system in which inherited Actor Voice (AV) morphology is retained but no longer supports a productive reduced ‘Indonesian-type’ AV/UV alternation. Instead, the language occupies a semi-alternating position on an alternation continuum: residual voice material persists, alongside TAM and information-structure correlates, but there is no longer an alternation between two grammatical voices; only between AV and non-voice-marked verbs, which in main clauses are, save some edge cases, obligatorily marked for agreement. AV m- assigns SUBJ to the ACTOR macrosemantic role; ensures it has a privileged position in the information structure; and assigns REALis mood to verbs on which it appears. Agreement morphology can be either grammatical or anaphoric, and carries no mood assignment. This account presents a detailed and novel case of how reduced ‘Indonesian-type’ voice systems are subject to attrition into ‘semi-alternating’ systems.
TAG + Metagrammar, LFG, HPSG and lexicalism
This paper deals with lexicalism and recent proposals that suggest that argument structure constructions can be or should be handled on a phrasal level. I first provide some general background, then discuss a particular proposal made in Tree Adjoining Grammar and provide a lexical alternative within the framework of HPSG. The paper ends with a comparison of Distributional Morphology and recent DM-based LFG approaches and lexical rule-based HPSG proposals.
Event structure and argument realisation in Mandarin V-V compounds
This paper analyses different types of resultative V-V compounds in Mandarin Chinese, including those previously claimed to show inverse argument-function linking. We propose a simplified and novel LFG account of V-V compounds by providing a systematic approach to argument realisation and event structures using only standard mapping principles and a constructional approach that imposes just two event structure frames for different resultative compounds: either a change-of-state frame or a causative frame. The main claim is that V-V compounding creates a change-of-state predicate, which may optionally undergo causativisation. By treating the second verb that denotes the result state as the semantic head, and by formalising the suppression of the first verb’s highest argument, the present analysis captures the full range of interpretations found in Mandarin resultative compounds.
In this paper, I provide an analysis of the clause structure of Bartangi, an Eastern Iranian language spoken in the Pamirs, which has a configurational clause structure and varying positions of agreement markers (second-position clitics and affixes) depending on tense. I show how an LrFG account can generalize the apparent variability from a regular, largely invariable c-structure. I also propose a modification to the mechanism of spanning in LrFG to account for irregular forms instantiating nonadjacent nodes.
This paper offers a comprehensive LFG-account of three Hungarian constructions that can host what at first seem to be instances of the selfsame demonstrative pronoun: adnominal demonstratives, demonstrative correlates of finite that-clauses, and demonstrative correlates of noun phrases in topic left dislocation. We treat synchronic variation in this domain as a result of different historical paths of grammaticalization, and provide an outlook on the pertinent diachrony.
A hallmark of the Glue approach to the syntax-semantics interface is its clean and simple treatment of quantifiers and quantifier scope ambiguity, without the need to assume different syntactic structures for different scopes. One weakness, which has received renewed attention recently, is Glue’s inability to constrain such scope ambiguities when they should not occur. We propose a new means of encoding constraints on the relative scope of quantifiers, building on Fry’s (1997) analysis of negative polarity items. We believe that our proposal also holds promise for the analysis of other constraints on relative scope, including modifier scope and scope islands.
Ossetic, an Iranian language spoken in the Caucasus, has a system of eight cases that are mostly formed in an agglutinating fashion, with the possibility of suspended affixation. This system has a number of additional unconventional features, including inflectional irregularities in pronouns, complex stem allomorphy and syncretism patterns and the use of oblique forms as nonfinal conjuncts. In this paper, we review prior accounts of Ossetic case inflection and propose a novel LrFG analysis that we claim allows capturing the relevant facts in a more regular and straighforward manner.
The morphological component of an LRFG grammar is responsible for selecting the word forms (Vocabulary Items, or VIs) which express a given sentence. VIs may realize only a subset of the information in a sentence, but MostInformative_f (MIf ) and MostInformative_c (MIc ), which evaluate the f- and c-structure information a VI realizes (respectively), ensure that sentences are expressed using the fewest VIs that realize the most information possible. Welsh has positive, negative and neutral forms of the copula in the present and imperfect paradigms which compete to realize copula-containing structures. The Welsh data regarding which form is selected in different contexts is used to show two important conclusions: (1) that constraining equations have a different status to defining equations in VIs, the former not contributing to the evaluation of MIf , and (2) that MIf outranks MIc when the two metrics return different VIs according to their evaluation.
Japanese has two types of adjectives, which we refer to as na- and i-adjectives, that show different syntactic behaviour. In this paper, we argue that the na of na-adjectives is an adjective licenser, that is, it is a marker that licenses a predicative adjective to occur attributively. Attributive adjectives show certain similarities with relative clauses in Japanese, which has led to some authors analysing attributive adjectives syntactically as relative clauses. However, there are arguments against assuming a similar structure for adjectives and relative clauses. Our analysis captures the functional and semantic parallels between relative clauses and attributive adjectives without having to assume structural similarities. One issue with a relative clause analysis that has been raised in the literature is that it leads to the assumption that all adjectives are intersective. We show in some detail that this is not a problem for our analysis.
Evidence for the parallel architecture from the syntax-phonology interface
Two competing views exist on the origin of interface categories (prosodic words, phonological phrases, intonational phrases): rhythmic determinism, which holds that they originate in phonology, and syntactic determinism, which derives them from syntactic constituents. This paper presents empirical evidence from Japanese and Wenzhounese, showing that at least a subset of interface categories cannot be derived from syntax and therefore must be rhythmically determined. These rhythmically determined interface categories call for a generative phonological module, which is incompatible with the classic T-model’s assumption that only syntax can generate hierarchical structure. Consequently, evidence for rhythmic determinism supports a parallel architecture, where phonology can be generative and is not secondary to syntax. In LFG’s parallel architecture, adopting rhythmic determinism entails that a direct correspondence from c-structure to p-structure is empirically insufficient. I discuss two LFG approaches to the syntax-phonology interface, showing that they can capture the Japanese and Wenzhounese data, though some theoretical issues remain to be addressed.
Slightly less flat coordinate structures
The aim of this paper is to argue that the constituency structure of coordination is slightly less flat than commonly assumed in LFG and to show this does not (have to) impact the resulting functional structures.
Taking the recent work by Asudeh & Rad (2023) on Persian predicates of perception as a point of departure, we investigate predicates of perception in the under-researched Iranian language Hazaragi. We show that the proposed existing classification for Persian predicates of perception is not adequate in light of data from Hazaragi and propose an alternative analysis for predicates of perception formed via N-V combinations. This analysis sees most of the N-V combinations as metaphorical and idiomatic uses, but some as instances of N-V complex predications, which we analyze via the event-based linking approach we have previously formulated for Urdu/Hindi N-V predicates of perception (Butt et al. 2023).
Copyright (c) 2024 Proceedings of the Lexical Functional Grammar Conference https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0
Fusional morphology, metasyncretism, and secondary exponence
Using Latin as a case study, we show that Lexical-Realizational Functional Grammar (a union between a morpheme-based realizational morphology and the nonderivational, constraint-based syntactic framework of Lexical-Functional Grammar) is able to offer insights into two fundamentally important morphological phenomena. The ﬁrst of these is metasyncretism, which is of particular interest because it is a (putative) paradigmatic effect, yet LRFG does not have paradigms as theoretical objects. Syncretism is captured via cascading macros (i.e., templates), such that a macro for one case value may also call another macro with a different case value, leading to case containment which models a feature hierarchy. We also use the same approach for gender and number. Metasyncretism is handled through a single vocabulary item mapping to a disjunction of two or more possible exponents. The second phenomenon of interest is secondary exponence (or morphological conditioning). This is handled through the addition of constraints to the (relevant) vocabulary items corresponding to their conditioning environments.
This paper extends LFG’s abilities to include information coming directly from the speech signal (B¨ogel 2015, 2022; Butt & Biezma 2022). We do this by developing an analysis and concomitant computational implementation for alternative vs. polar questions in Urdu. The implementation allows for a seamless integration of data from the speech signal into a semantic analysis of questions. We build on, but also go beyond, Butt & Biezma (2022), who included a semantic and pragmatic analysis, but did not demonstrate how exactly this could be arrived at on the basis of their c- and f-structural analyses. As far as we are aware, LFG is to date the only theoretical linguistic approach that is able to connect syntactic, semantic and pragmatic representations holistically with information coming directly from the speech signal.
This paper sets out two challenges to LFG analyses of the syntax-prosody interface—one general, one specific—arising from experimental evidence that shows considerable hearer variation in the interpretation of specific prosodic patterns in Korean that are canonically associated with the scope of question focus. We assume that this arises from a lexical preference for the question word reading of content pro-forms that are ambiguous between question words and indefinite pronouns, which has an effect on how pitch contours are perceived. A revised formal treatment of the phenomenon, building on Jones (2016) is presented, which robustly handles the variation in hearer perception and links to ongoing work to model hearers’ decision-making process.
An OT-LFG account of the syntax of the Determiner Phrase in Kafire
This study addresses the syntax of the determiner phrase in Kafire in an OTLFG perspective. This syntax is characterized by the interaction of various constraints that determine the correct output. There is a constraint that requires most nouns in Kafire to be part of a determiner phrase whose determiner has to be lexically realized. There is also another constraint that prevents a set of nouns of gender 1 to have such a lexically realized determiner, but which forces them to fill both an N and D nodes. Yet, this does not apply when the noun and the expected lexically realized determiner are not adjacent, in which case the lexical form of the determiner appears under the D node. The study captures and formalizes these facts with an OT-LFG formalism. It is the first study to pay much attention to this phenomenon in Senufo languages, especially in Kafire.
Language redundancy and acoustic salience
This paper introduces a new way to integrate gradient language redundancy effects and their acoustic correlates in LFG. Based on data from a production experiment that showed how semantic priming and lexical frequency affect target word duration, the approach models the inverse relationship between language redundancy and acoustic redundancy, with p-structure as a pivotal point between grammar and signal. To this end, all redundancy measures are re-scaled to a common, meaningful scale, while their gradient nature is retained as part of the system. The result not only allows for gradient data to be integrated into the architecture of LFG, but also for the prediction of concrete acoustic measures, thus taking a large step towards the modelling of the phonology-phonetic interface and the generation of spoken language.
Ambiguity management in computational Glue semantics
This paper presents extensions to XLE+Glue and the Glue semantics workbench. Concretely, it builds on Findlay & Haug’s (2022) idea of multistage proving. By combining their insights with techniques first described in Lev (2007), this paper provides a more flexible implementation of multistage proving. Furthermore, it presents an extension of XLE+Glue that allows users to integrate multistage proving into computational LFG grammars. Finally, the paper discusses some insights from working on ambiguity management and semantic grammar writing suggesting that full syntactic or semantic autonomy is a challenge for computational models of LFG.
Unagreement and how morphology sees syntax
The phenomenon of unagreement, found in Spanish, Catalan, and Greek, among other languages, poses four theoretical problems: 1) how to account for an apparent mismatch between trigger and target in an agreement relation; 2) how to account for the fact that not all languages have this phenomenon; 3) how to account for variation in the NPs that trigger unagreement within a given language and across languages; 4) how to account for the correlation between the presence or absence of unagreement and the type of adnominal pronoun construction (APC) allowed in the language. The analysis assumes a lexicalist unencapsulated view of the relationship between syntax and inflectional morphology, which implies that agreement is a strictly morphological phenomenon. The fundamental idea is that some determiners in some languages do not specify person information. This implies that a DP headed by such a determiner is compatible with any person feature.
In defense of a COMP-less approach to Hungarian finite clauses
In this paper, I defend Szűcs’s (2018) approach to Hungarian finite complement clauses. I argue that the grammatical function COMP is not necessary, and the criticism voiced by Laczkó (2021) can be satisfactorily addressed by considering general principles regarding coordination and the argument-structure of certain verbal and nominal predicates. Laczkó (2021) presents some evidence that seem to support COMP, but I rather propose treating them as (thematic) ADJUNCTs and in the case of simple event nouns, as instances of POSS. Supporting data chiefly cited from Hungarian but theoretical and cross-linguistic considerations are also added. I also discuss some related issues, such as some unresolved issues with regards to adverbials, and the nature of demonstrative pronouns involved in clausal complements. I conclude with some meta-theoretical remarks advocating a generally restrictive view of LFG’s inventory of grammatical functions.
The XP Trigger Hypothesis is a widely accepted account of syntactic mutation in Welsh which states that mutation, a regular alternation in form of the initial segment of a word, occurs if a word is positioned after the right edge of an XP (with some additional framework-specific structural constraints). The XP Trigger Hypothesis poses a problem for Lexical-Functional Grammar (LFG) because it presupposes the existence of empty categories. Null subjects and wh-traces both ‘count’ as XPs for the purposes of the XP Trigger Hypothesis, and therefore must be represented in the tree structure. Such empty categories are generally not represented as XPs in the tree in LFG, being represented only at f-structure. In my analysis, I show that it is possible to account for the data of the XP Trigger Hypothesis without presupposing the existence of empty categories, instead using phrase-structural rules and f-structural relationships between words to predict mutation.
This paper offers an LRFG analysis of the Polish demonstrative word to, which may occur in two syntactic environments: (i) in typical nominal positions and (ii) in the unique copular structure TO + BY´Ć ‘to be’ + NP, in which the right-hand NP appears in the nominative case and triggers agreement with the copula. In (i), to may only refer to antecedents lacking number and gender (e.g. clauses), whereas in (ii) it may refer to any antecedent. To is analysed as one underspecified vocabulary item exponing two structures: a noun lacking number and gender in (I) and a demonstrative identifier in (ii). The difference in their anaphoric possibilities follows from blocking: to is blocked in (i) by personal pronouns whenever the antecedent has number and gender, due to an anaphoric agreement mechanism and the specification of vocabulary items.
Crosslinguistically interrogative structures exhibit inherent discourse interpretations. This study investigates two types of discourse interpretations marked in question forms in Kusaal, a Mabia language spoken in Ghana. It argues that speakers of Kusaal use morphological means to distinguish between questions that seek new information and others that require exhaustive interpretations on the focused constituent. Specifically, wh-questions in Kusaal manifest in two distinct forms: exhaustive wh-questions and non-exhaustive wh-questions each serving specific discourse functions. While exhaustive wh-questions require the use of the particles ka and nɛ in non-subject focus in both the question and answer pairs, the same is not the case in non-exhaustive wh-questions and their corresponding answer pairs. The study shows that exhaustive wh-questions express completeness and total exclusivity of the selected set. They are of the kind A, not B and nothing else. This finer-grained discourse distinction is accounted for using the i-structure of the Lexical-Functional Grammar framework.